Alaska rural education flunks

Many if not most of Alaska’s rural schools are not working. Low student performance and high teacher turnover are just two of more obvious indicators of problems in these mostly Native school districts. Those working in the schools say it’s time for radical changes.

 

Paul Berg has taught in Alaska for more than 40 years — ten of them in villages.

 

SchoolA 1   :20   “You want to see racism go to a village school. You’ll see outside, usually Anglo teachers have the best jobs, the most pay. Vast majority of administrators will be Anglo. It is not working. The statistics and the data are very clear. ”

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Berg, now 70, teaches high school students during the summer and works as a cross-cultural specialist for the Goldbelt Heritage Foundation. He, among other educators meeting this month at the University Alaska’s Natives Studies Conference, describes schools as colonial forces… not that much different from the boarding schools of years ago that punished Native children for speaking their languages.

Schools A 2   :42   “Education is the means whereby a culture perpetuates itself and transfers itself to the young. Public education has taken this away from the Yupik, the Inupiat, the Aleut and others and given basically middle class America to these people. As to the degree that they wish that… that should be their choice but they should have the inalienable undeniable right to transfer the culture and the language to their children. It’s called the right of culture sovereignty and English-speaking nations are among the last on earth to recognize it.//
Schools A 3   :12     “(Tlingit) My prayer is that Tlingit is going to live forever because we want our little babies to be talking.”

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X’unei (gxuh nay)Lance Twitchell is using every means possible to make sure his children speak his Native language. He speaks Tlingit to them instead of English… knowing that the media environment will make sure they learn English. He wants bilingual and Tlingit immersion schools. He sees the shortfall in state education funds as an opportunity, because it prompts many to ask the question — why keep spending lots of money on a system that doesn’t work?

Diane Hirshberg is the director of the University of Alaska Anchorage Center for Education Policy Research. She has studied the indigenous education systems throughout the world to find out which were successful, and why.

schoolA 4   :18     ” So we’re talking from Maori students to Greenlandic students to Hawaiian to lower-48 American Indian. And it is really clear that ownership of the schools, some degree of self-determination is necessary. It’s not sufficient. It’s not enough but it’s how you get started.”

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Hirshberg joins many Alaska Natives in advocating that the state help tribes access federal Indian Education funds to support Native schools. They argue it’s time to spend money on something that works.

 

school A 5    :28   “I don’t know to what extent the state is willing to say “well it’s ok you can get this other funding, legally it’s allowed. Maybe you should take this on. You know, it relieves the pressure”… The state constitution says we must provide an education, but if those students are receiving the education from a voluntary tribal run system that is paid from outside, is the state willing to set up the conditions for that to happen?”
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Natives living in rural Alaska say they need successful schools teaching their children Native language and traditions. Rayna Hartc, whose mother’s family is Yupik, says failing to provide such an education is not an option.

school A 6     :24 “The failure to educate a child in our area isn’t just that the child doesn’t get an education. For us it very often becomes a civil rights issue, a human rights issue because many of these children don’t fit in and they don’t belong and lead to… to suicide. This isn’t an educational issue. This is the right of a child to have a vibrant and viable future.”

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Rayna Hartc is acting superintendent at the Yupiit School district.

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Pasted below is a report with an excellent overview of the state of education in the north.

9. Education and Human Capital Diane Hirshberg, University of Alaska Anchorage, USA and Andrey N. Petrov, University of Northern Iowa, USA Lead authors Ray Barnhardt (University of Alaska Fairbanks, USA), Philip Cavin (Uni- versity of Northern Iowa, USA), Shari Gearheard (University of Colorado, USA), Andrew Hodgkins (University of Alberta, Canada), Jan Henry Keskitalo (Sámi University College, Norway), Gisèle Maheux (Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue, Canada), Heather E. McGregor (University of British Columbia, Canada), Paartoq Karl Kristian Olsen (Ilisimatusarfik, Greenland), Véronique Paul (Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue), Rasmus Ole Rasmussen (Nordregio, Sweden), Arja Rautio (University of Oulu, Finland), Anna Rönkä (University of Ou- lu, Finland), and Elisapi Uitangak (Ikaarvik School, Puvirnituq, Canada) Contributing Authors 9.1 Introduction Since the publication of the first Arctic Human Development Report (2004), there have been significant changes in formal education systems throughout the Circumpolar North. In some countries, for example, Rus- sia, the federal government has introduced major reforms while in oth- ers, for example, USA/Alaska, local efforts are changing the look of schooling. In this chapter, we look at the major trends in education across the North. The first part of the chapter focuses on the unique challenges facing primary and secondary education systems in the Arc- tic. It updates the state of K-12 education since the first AHDR, and ex- pands into countries and regions that were not addressed in the first report, specifically Greenland, the far north in Canada, and the Faroe Islands. The second part of the chapter assesses human capital and knowledge production as it pertains to human development and well- being of Arctic societies. Human capital is the stock of knowledge and skills embodied in a human population. This section discusses patterns and trends in postsecondary educational attainment and attendance in
Arctic regions and related formal and informal education. It provides an assessment of human capital and knowledge production in the Arctic as it pertains to human development and well-being of Arctic societies. In most formal school systems, education is typically classified into three major levels: primary, secondary and post-secondary. Primary, or elementary, education follows pre-school and generally includes stu- dents from around age 6 to 12, or in grades 1–6. Secondary education (also known as upper secondary or high school) generally refers to schooling for students age 13 to 18, and culminates with a diploma. Post- secondary education (also called higher education or tertiary education) is a third stage education that includes undergraduate and postgraduate education, and vocational and professional training. Post-secondary academic education is distinct from post-secondary career and technical education. Adult education refers to a formal and informal learning that takes place after leaving initial education and training, and that most often is not linked to pursuit of a degree or certificate. Adult education programs are offered in a broad array of settings, including folk schools, community organizations and institutions of higher education. University of the Arctic class Credit: Amanda Graham. 348 Arctic Human Development Report
9.2 Education and educational systems in the Arctic 9.2.1 Primary and secondary education in the Circumpolar North In this section, we discuss the challenges inherent in circumpolar educa- tion due to the remote nature of many northern communities, men- tioned but not explicated in the first AHDR. These challenges include consolidation and closing of small, remote schools, providing sufficiently comprehensive education opportunities to keep students in small schools, and the recruiting and retaining of teachers for remote commu- nities. We address issues of language of instruction in schools in terms of efforts to retain heritage languages and to ensure that students acquire the national languages of commerce and higher education. We also ad- dress Indigenous education, focusing on efforts to increase Indigenous control over education and new ways to use and transmit that Indige- nous knowledge and ways of teaching and learning, whether within or external to the formal school systems. And finally we look at student achievement issues, focusing especially on the gender gap between fe- males and males and on the continuing underperformance of Indigenous students across much of the North. We present data on student learning outcomes. In the first AHDR, the authors expressed a desire for education indicators allowing compari- sons of education functions and outcomes, such as graduation rates, per capita spending, educator recruitment and retention and so on (Johans- son et al., 2004). The lack of consistent primary and secondary educa- tion data across circumpolar regions continues to be a problem; the Arc- tic Social Indicators project only includes post-secondary indicators, which is symptomatic of this problem (Rasmussen et al., 2010). Our hope is that there is a movement among circumpolar nations to collect and disseminate consistent and comparable data on primary and sec- ondary education before another decade passes. In the first AHDR, the authors defined education as contributing to the development of human capital, a non-neutral “promotion of skills, val- ues, history, languages, and ways of thinking and behaving” and a for- malized process by which nations “perpetuate their values and beliefs from one generation to the next” (Johansson et al., 2004: 170). While we agree that this definition describes typical government-imposed systems of formal schooling, this definition does not accurately describe the edu- Defining education Arctic Human Development Report 349
cation envisioned by many parents, community leaders and educators seeking to create systems that reflect the diverse cultures of the North. Across much of the Circumpolar North, Indigenous peoples had common experiences within education systems based on “Western” ways of teaching, learning and knowledge and operating with the intent of as- similation. Now, across the North and elsewhere, such as New Zealand and Hawaii, Indigenous peoples are working to create Indigenous- controlled education systems based not on the Western form of school- ing imposed on them for the past century (or longer) but rather based on Indigenous epistemologies and worldviews. In some circumpolar regions, these efforts are happening alongside the dominant Western education system, while in others, the Western systems are being re- placed entirely. Textbox 9.1 The efforts we describe in this chapter are being made against a backdrop of an increasing push for self-determination in education among many Indigenous peoples. Self-determination in education is recognized internationally as a hu- man right. Article 14 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indige- nous Peoples (2007) states, “Indigenous peoples have the right to establish and control their educational systems and institutions providing education in their own languages, in a manner appropriate to their cultural methods of teaching and learning” (UN DRIP, 2007). Self-determination in education But self-governance is also a key factor in creating systems that improve ed- ucational outcomes for Indigenous students, not just in the north, but across the globe (Smith, 2003; Hill et al., 2012). In some places, such as Greenland, this effort is occurring alongside the move from colony to home rule, though education reform efforts in the country still face resistance from many within the country and in Denmark. In other places, such as Alaska, this work is happening within a state-run education sys- tem that is not necessarily supportive of such efforts, under a state government that does not recognize the legal sovereignty of tribes, and in a federal context of accountability that has pushed many schools to narrow mainstream curricular offerings in the quest to improve student standardized test scores. In Canada, the level of self-determination varies from province to province, with First Na- tions peoples in southern provinces just winning some of the rights that Inuit in the northern regions have had for several decades. 350 Arctic Human Development Report
As one Indigenous leader noted: Textbox 9.1 continued “The success of Native education is directly related to the amount of community control and involvement there is in the school system. Only when Native people feel a part of that system, that they have a stake in it, will they assume responsibility in a meaningful way and become commit- ted to its success.” Mary Simon, President, Inuit Circumpolar Conference, 1989, (Darnell and Hoem, 1996: 149-150) Moreover, while many distinguish between formal and informal educa- tion in the transmission of traditional knowledge, some scholars argue for re-thinking these definitions. For example, Christensen (2012: n.p.) contends “there is a need to reframe the question of schooling and how we think about education to get beyond notions of formal and informal learning.” In studying the learning young people do during hunting, she found it possible “to rethink education from within a different social context than the institutionalized and state-based one, namely the so- cial context of hunting. The activity of hunting and/or land-based prac- tices organizes individuals relative to hunting as a culturally specific way of living and of being in the world. To view hunting as a way of being in the world brings out more profound perspectives than view- ing hunting as in informal or traditional technique.” Some of the educa- tion reforms underway in northern nations ground formal schooling in the Inuit or Inupiaq ways of living and being, and thus make fluid the relationship between “formal” education and “traditional” learning, so that in Barrow, Alaska whaling can be both the backbone of the com- munity and a foundation on which learning is built in school. This re- thinking of the definition also allows for inclusion of differing educa- tional goals for parents and students, whether it is enabling young people to continue on in formal schooling and pursue a professional career in a location away from their home community, or developing the skills that enable them to stay in their home and be a successful subsistence hunter or herder. Arctic Human Development Report 351
And so we look at education as including both formal and informal processes that prepare students for future success in their communities, further education and the workplace, in whatever they choose to do and wherever they choose to live. These processes ground students in their own culture, values and beliefs and enable them to successfully negoti- ate the socio-political and economic world beyond their own communi- ties. We also acknowledge the importance in Indigenous communities of instruction in heritage languages as well as in western languages. 9.2.2 Trends in education across the Circumpolar North Across the North we see a number of trends in education. While these may not be occurring in every circumpolar nation, they are affecting the majority. These include challenges in delivering education in rural and remote locations, including school consolidations and closures, provid- ing access specifically for secondary education, and difficulties in re- cruiting and retaining teachers. There also are challenges around edu- cating in and maintaining heritage languages. Low achievement and high dropout rates among Indigenous populations also continue to be prob- lematic. The gender gap between males and females continues, with females generally achieving at a higher level than males and also going on to obtain more formal schooling. Other trends include the increased use of Indigenous knowledge and ways of teaching and learning in some formal school systems. All are discussed below. 9.2.3 Challenges of delivering education in rural and remote locations Rural communities are losing their local schools across the North. The reasons behind school closure vary, from outmigration and falling school age populations leading to too few students to keep a school open (see Chapter 2, Arctic Populations and Migration), to funding issues, to par- ents opting to send their children to larger schools (often boarding schools) in order to have access to a broader, more comprehensive edu- cation. This can have a number of impacts on students and communities. When students are educated away from their home, there often is a lack of connection between the school and the home and between the school and the culture of the home community. Across North America, boarding or residential schools contributed to language and culture loss for sever- al generations of Indigenous students. But perhaps more dramatically, it 352 Arctic Human Development Report School closure and consolidation
can affect the sustainability of a community as a whole. First, parents in communities without a school may choose to move to a different com- munity with a school rather than sending their child away. Second, stu- dents who leave home for school may choose not to return to their home community once graduated. Both outcomes can lead to entire communi- ties dying, as has happened in Alaska. The Russian Federation is experiencing falling school age popula- tions, resulting in many school closures, especially in rural communities where the number of schools has decreased by almost 25% in past dec- ade (Nikolaev and Chugunov, 2012). Operating schools is especially hard in northern herding communities. There are some “nomadic schools” in Siberia where the teachers follow the reindeer herders and also some- times utilize educated parents alongside regular teachers. Small taiga schools also offer education in small rural communities, not far from where the herders work. However, keeping these alternatives to board- ing schools open has proved difficult (Lavrillier, 2013). On top of this, the 2007 “Priority National Project ’Education’” Russian federal reform mandated that schools be financed based on the size of the student population, which encourages school consolidation and the clo- sure of smaller schools (Chevalier, 2012). However, a new national educa- tion law, “On Education in the Russian Federation”, which became effec- tive as of 1st September 2013, prohibits the closing of rural schools “with- out consulting the residents of the rural community” (Russian Federation, 2012: Chapter 3, Article 22, #12). It is too soon to know whether this law will slow the rate of school closures in the Russian North. In the Faroe Island, national education policy is that every child be able to attend lower primary school in their home community, no matter the size. Some schools are as small as one teacher with fewer than ten stu- dents. School closures are an issue in small rural communities, especially when parents choose to take their children out of the local school and either home school them or move to a larger community. Once a school closes, it cannot be reopened without permission of the municipality. School closure threatens the viability of small rural communities across Norway, Sweden and Finland. In all three countries the propor- tion of small rural schools is high, approximately one in three (Har- greaves et al., 2009). In Norway, low student numbers and the munici- pal economies are among the most frequent reasons for closure or amalgamation of schools (Utdanningsdirektoratet, 2010). Consolida- tion means longer school transportation distances, creating a new chal- lenge. Communities in the three northernmost counties in Norway all have experienced school closures recently. Since traditionally the Sámi Arctic Human Development Report 353
homeland consists of small rural communities within municipalities with less income, school closure due to economic reasons is not un- common. In Alaska, the state currently supports schools in any community with at least 10 students. Students in communities with too few students to support a school can opt for home schooling, participate in a corre- spondence school program, or attend one of three secondary public boarding schools in the state, if their family does not want to relocate. Since the legislature increased the minimum number of students for a school to receive funding from eight to ten, twenty-seven rural Alaska schools have shut down (DeMarban, 2012). 9.2.4 Accessibility of secondary education In many circumpolar regions, students can attend primary school in their home community but must go away to a residential program to attend upper secondary or high school. This is true in Greenland and the Faroe Islands, as well as for parts of Iceland and the Russian Far North. This situation can affect graduation rates, as not all secondary students have the maturity or skills to manage living away from home, and other family demands sometimes require that students return to their family. The Faroe Islands have about 120 settlements but only nine upper secondary schools. There are no boarding schools in the Faroe Islands. Students who do not live in or near one of the larger communities with a secondary school must stay with relatives or live by themselves (e.g., in student housing). In Iceland, while many small compulsory schools are located outside of Reykjavik, including some as small as 10 students, not every community has one. Students in some rural communities some- times have to attend secondary programs away from home, and live in boarding facilities (Rønning and Wiborg, 2008). In Siberia, the second- ary school options for most students are either boarding schools or schools in little settlements, which don’t provide the same quality as the boarding schools (Lavrillier, 2013), leading to many parents opting for boarding schools for their children, as noted above. However, dropout rates from boarding schools are high, and compulsory attendance is not enforced (Dudeck, 2013). A common problem across northern schools is recruiting and retaining well-prepared teachers. In many regions, there are too few educators who are from the North and used to the challenging living conditions or proficient in the local languages. In Nunavut, there are multiple chal- 354 Arctic Human Development Report Problems recruiting and retaining teachers
lenges around staffing schools successfully. These include a shortage of available and interested trained Inuit educators to deliver Inuit language instruction, high turnover among non-Inuit teachers, a lack of orienta- tion and training in culturally responsive curriculum and pedagogy for non-Inuit teachers, and geographic isolation from support networks including infrastructure, administrative, and program support staff (Berger and Epp, 2007, Berger et al., 2006). Likewise in Nunavik, non- Inuit teachers from the southern parts of Québec or elsewhere in Canada are hired to teach in grades three and up. Generally, they have not re- ceived specialized training to work in this particular cultural context, and are unable to teach in the local language. Many stay only a few years in the remote Nunavik schools. Greenland has also faced difficulties in hiring qualified teachers. In 2005–2006, fully one third of teachers did not have teaching qualifications, and many of these were teaching in the remote settlements (Wyatt, 2012). In Alaska, rural and remote schools face difficulties in hiring and re- taining teachers. While the student population in rural Alaska is primari- ly Indigenous, the educators in rural schools are overwhelmingly non- Native – less than 5% of certificated teachers are Indigenous people, and fewer yet are administrators. Most are also from outside Alaska; the University of Alaska system prepares only 20% of the teachers hired by districts each year. Average teacher turnover rates in rural school dis- tricts vary tremendously, from a low of 7% to a high of 52%; ten out of 53 have turnover rates over 30%, and as a whole rural districts average 20% turnover per year (Hill and Hirshberg, 2013). In Siberia, finding teachers for the schools serving nomadic communities is difficult; non- Indigenous teachers are not prepared for the lifestyle challenges and teacher turnover rates can be high in taiga schools (Lavrillier, 2013; Dudeck, 2013). In the first Arctic Social Indicators report (ASI, 2010), cultural well-being and vitality was measured in part by the use of Indigenous languages in both the home and in formal schooling, and the retention of language among heritage language speakers (Schweitzer et al., 2010). The concept of Fate Control in the first ASI also includes language retention within the category of Knowledge Construction (Dahl et al., 2010). And yet, the use of Indigenous languages in circumpolar schools serving Indigenous students varies considerably, due both to formal policies and challenges around finding certified educators who speak heritage languages and educational materials in those languages. Teaching in heritage languages Arctic Human Development Report 355
The Nunavut Education Act (GN, 2008) requires that by the year 2019–2020, the school system must deliver programs that are fully bi- lingual from kindergarten through grade 12. In most schools, language instruction will follow a model of high Inuit language instruction in the elementary years, moving towards 50% of instructional time split be- tween Inuit language and English or French at the secondary level. This goal is currently being implemented, but is challenged by the need for more educators who have high quality Inuit language and instructional skills at all grade levels and in all courses, as well as access to appropri- ate teaching resources and learning materials (Aylward, 2010). Chal- lenges arise from the extra time involved in building a bilingual educa- tion context and the day-to-day operations associated with working in at least two languages (McGregor, 2010). The Kativik School Board (KSB), which governs the whole education- al system in the Nunavik region, has chosen to educate the pupils in their mother tongue, Inuktitut, from kindergarten to grade three (KSB, 2013). When children get to grade two, families must decide in which of the two official languages of the province (French or English) they want their children to be educated. After grade three, the children pursue their schooling in either French or English, while continuing to learn Inuktitut language and culture, since a few courses are integrated into their pro- gram (KSB, 2013). An important educational priority shared among the people and the KSB is the maintenance and development of the Inuktituk language and culture. Educational instruction in the learner’s home lan- guage in the first years of schooling has been identified as a relevant means to develop a solid educational foundation for youth. Therefore, competent Inuktitut-speaking teachers are required to work with the pupils. When KSB was created, a teacher-training program was devel- oped and implemented, according to the training needs in this particular context, by KSB in collaboration with McGill University (de Krom et al., 2011; Cram, 1987). The Sámi languages are vital to the Sámi people across the Nordic countries. The language is central to Sámi identity, and is considered essential to their survival as a people (Gaski, 1998). Finland, Norway and Sweden have all ratified the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages (CETS 148, 1992). Accordingly, there is emphasis in the edu- cation systems to respond to the requirements; however there are gaps to be filled. The existing international and national regulations regarding Sámi language and education rights are implemented in different ways in each of the nations. 356 Arctic Human Development Report
While the principal language of instruction in Russian Federation schools is Russian, citizens have the right to be educated in their native language in basic general education (grades 5–9). Those operating the schools choose the language of instruction (NIC ARM, n.d.). However, the federal curriculum only allots two hours per week to the study of local languages (Chevalier, 2012). The loss of heritage languages in Russia’s northern communities is a significant problem to which education con- tributes, although education can also be the means for preserving the languages (Dudeck, 2013; Lavrillier, 2013; Chevalier, 2012). In Siberia, “national” schools are secondary schools that offer instruction in Indige- nous languages. Many of these schools are reducing the amount of in- struction in Indigenous languages, due largely to the Unified State Exam- ination (Chevalier, 2013). Passing the Russian language and mathemat- ics portions of the Unified State Examination is required for graduation, and these exams are entirely in Russian. In some cases, falling levels of Russian language proficiency among rural children have led families to move from rural areas served by “national” schools into urban areas. The new national education law in the Russian Federation reinforces the idea that while students have a right to study their heritage lan- guages, that right has limits. On the one hand, the law states: Citizens of the Russian Federation shall have the right to pre-school, primary and general basic general education in the mother tongue of the number of languages of the peoples of the Russian Federation, as well as the right to study their native language among the languages of the Russian Federation within the possibilities offered by the system of education, in accordance with the legislation on education. (Russian Federation, 2012: Chapter 1, Article 14 #4) On the other hand, it also stipulates that “teaching and learning of the official languages of the republics of the Russian Federation shall not be to the detriment of teaching and learning the state language of the Rus- sian Federation” (Russian Federation, 2012: Chapter 1, Article 14 #3). It is too soon to know the impact of the new law on education across the Russian Federation, and in the North specifically, but the loss of heritage languages is not likely to be stemmed. Greenland’s situation is quite different from other Arctic regions; Greenlanders do not have to revitalize the native language as it is the language of instruction in schools (Wyatt, 2012). Students study in both Greenlandic and Danish starting in the early years, and then add English and, if desired, another foreign language in later years. The challenge Greenland students face is developing sufficient proficiency in Danish Arctic Human Development Report 357
and English so that they can pursue a post-secondary education, because even within Greenland most of the high school and post-secondary edu- cation offerings are in Danish, not in Greenlandic (Boolsen, 2009; EU Commission, 2013). Across the North, student achievement as measured by secondary grad- uation and dropout rates continues to be problematic in many regions, especially for Indigenous students. In Nunavut, graduation rates (calcu- lated by dividing the number of graduates by the number of estimated 17 and 18 year olds) ranged between 32% and 38% over the past four years (Nunavut Bureau of Statistics, 2012). Students continue to miss between a third and a quarter of instructional time, and in the context of the other complexities of education in Nunavut outlined here, educators, parents and community members all continue to express concerns about the standard of achievement amongst students and to what extent they are on par with other Canadian students. Low achievement and graduation rates In Nunavik, as in Nunavut, the high school diploma achievement rate of Inuit youth is very low compared to the overall national rates. In Qué- bec, fewer than one student in five successfully completes Secondary V (the final year of secondary school). Very few Inuit students attend post- secondary studies (Gouvernement du Québec, 2011). Greenland also has problems with students dropping out from aca- demic high schools. There are only four of these, all located in towns, which means that students from villages have to leave home to complete their high school education. Between 2005 and 2008, the number of stu- dents in high school increased by 17%, and the number of graduates went up by 37%, but the number of dropouts also increased by 34%. These numbers are very different from vocational training outcomes, where the number of dropouts has decreased by 3% even as the total number of students has increased by 31%, the number of apprentices has gone up by 20%, and the number of graduates has risen by 25% (Boolsen, 2009). In Alaska, while non-Native student achievement mirrors or even ex- ceeds national averages, Alaska Native student achievement is generally poor, particularly in small villages. Alaska Native students today drop out at rates triple the national average, and most who attend college need remedial work (Martin and Hill, 2009, McDiarmid and Hill, 2010). The gap between Alaska Native and non-Native students in Alaska is wide. In 2012–13, Alaska Natives made up 22.7% of students in grades 7–12, but 34.7% of the dropouts from those grades. They had a dropout rate of 6.2%, compared with 4.0% for all students in those grades (AK EED, 2013). The high-school graduation rate for all Alaska students in 2012– 358 Arctic Human Development Report
2013 was 71.8%, but just 57.1% among Alaska Native students – the low- est among all racial and ethnic groups in the state (AK EED, 2013). Upper secondary completion rates in Iceland are not very high. Among students starting upper secondary in 2003, only 44% had com- pleted their program after four years, and that number increased to only 62% seven years after starting. Still, these numbers represent a signifi- cant increase over the educational attainment of earlier generations of Icelanders; the rate of upper secondary completion amongst Icelanders age 25–64 in 2011 was only 36.7% (Statistics Iceland, 2013). Barrow High School, Alaska, USA Credit: Diane Hirshberg. Many Indigenous communities in the North are moving toward creating educational models within the formal school system that are based on traditional ways of teaching and learning. Many of these efforts are part of government driven or sanctioned school reform efforts, and others occur despite prevailing policies and trends. 9.2.5 Indigenizing education In Alaska, the education model in most schools is still very western, even in communities where the great majority of students are Indige- nous. In Spring 2012 the Alaska Board of Education adopted new guide- Arctic Human Development Report 359
lines for implementing the “Alaska Cultural Standards Educators”, and is focusing on disseminating these widely (AK EED, 2012; Chris Simon, personal communication, 20th February 2013). However, this has not yet led to widespread change around the state. That said, there are plac- es where Indigenous education models are in place or being implement- ed. In the Ayaprun Elitnaurvik Yupik Immersion School in Bethel, an elementary school, students learn fully in Yupik in grades K-2 and then are introduced to English starting in grade three. Pedagogical approach- es mix traditional Yupik ways of teaching and learning with more West- ern styles. Students in the school generally outperform district averages on standardized tests, and graduates have gone on to be valedictorians in their high school class. The North Slope Borough School District in Alaska begins its mission statement by saying “Learning in our schools is rooted in the values, history and language of the Iñupiat.” The district has developed the Iñu- piaq Learning Framework and is now developing curriculum and peda- gogical approaches to create an Iñupiaq education system based in local epistemologies but also preparing students to succeed in the Western system. The school board has driven this reform, and hired a superin- tendent who is implementing its vision. The reform effort is based on extensive work with elders, educators, and community members across all borough villages, to determine what children should know when they graduate, based in Iñupiaq culture, values and beliefs rather than in the system imposed by external Western educators. In Greenland, the 2002 School Act states that schooling: “shall create the basis for the pupil’s development of his/her knowledge about and understanding of his/her own social identity, culture and values” (Greenland Government, Chapter 2, §5). The education reform effort that emerged from this Act, known as “Atuarfitsialak”, focused on creat- ing a culturally compatible education model in pre-K through higher education, and included restructuring teacher education and profession- al development. While the Act did not explicitly mention strengthening Greenlandic identity and culture, the reformers set that as a goal for the reform effort. The effort differed from other northern school reform efforts because it did not focus on language revitalization, and indeed explicitly supported strengthening Danish, while also trying to strength- en the use of the Greenlandic culture in the schools. In Nunavut, the 2008 Education Act lays out “Fundamental Principles for Education”, which start with “The public education system in Nu- navut shall be based on Inuit societal values and the principles and con- cepts of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit” (Nunavut Government, 2008, Chapter 360 Arctic Human Development Report
15, § 1(1)). Nunavut is the only jurisdiction in Canada in which the entire public education system (kindergarten to grade 12) is legally required to address the educational needs and desires of an Indigenous (Inuit) pop- ulation (McGregor, 2012b). Education staff and administrators in Nu- navut are also required to ensure that all aspects of schooling reflect and reference the values, principles and approaches of Inuit knowledge. This has necessitated a great deal of research with Elders and start-from- scratch program development by Nunavut educators and curriculum support staff (Aylward, 2009; Aylward, 2012; McGregor, 2012a). Nu- navut aims to develop entirely culturally-responsive and locally-relevant curriculum, programs, materials and assessments that also ensure their students have access to post-secondary and university entrance re- quirements (Nunavut Department of Education, 2007). For example, the former grade 12 standardized social studies examination has been re- placed by a project-based assessment model developed in Nunavut to facilitate student assessment that combines local topics, cultural content as well as 21st century skills. There are Sámi schools in each of the national areas of northern Fen- noscandia, under the respective national school systems operating un- der special regulations/mandate and/or funding models. The concept of Sámi education differs throughout the area. On the Norwegian side there are two national curricula for the basic education 1–13, the Norwegian and the Sámi. The Sámi school concept for grades 1–10 reflects groups, classes or schools which are municipally owned and which follow the Sámi National Curriculum, several specialized Sámi schools, and for the upper secondary level two state operated schools. Also, all students are required to learn about Sámi themes according to syllabi grades 1–13. In Sweden, five schools operate at levels 1–6 under a separate state unit, the Sámi School Board. Elsewhere the Sámi language is integrated into mainstream schools as a minority language. There is a Sámi Educa- tion Center in Jokkmokk. In addition, the Lapplands gymnasium, the northernmost upper secondary school in Sweden, organizes a national level program with a Sámi focus including the study of reindeer herding. In Finland, there is no actual Sámi school, but Sámi education re- fers to classes/groups where the Sámi language is the language of instruction; Sámi language programs otherwise are delivered within regular public schools. The municipal schools in the Sámi Domicile Area offer Sámi language programs, and one municipality organizes a Sámi program. Daycare in Sámi language is also offered in Northern Finland: for example the city of Oulu has a daycare service in Sámi language in one center for children age 1–6 who comes from Sámi- Arctic Human Development Report 361
speaking families. The daycare centers also address cultural issues and support for Sámi identity. The Oulu center also offers courses in the Sámi language for Sámi children in grades 1–9 in cooperation with a local elementary school. Norway implemented the “Knowledge Promotion 2006”, a com- prehensive reform, with a partly revised and partly new national curriculum along with a national Sámi curriculum. The Sámi parlia- ment was responsible for developing the Sámi language syllabi and the Sámi traditional handicraft (duodji) syllabi, and otherwise was a consulting partner in the process. The implementation of the Sámi curriculum faced challenges such as a lack of teaching materials and teachers. The situation is worse in the lule- and south Sámi area and in marginal north-Sámi areas. The Norwegian state also operates two upper-secondary Sámi schools with a special focus on Sámi educa- tion, including integrated or specialized traditional knowledge pro- grams (arts/craft/reindeer herding/music), and there are multiple county upper-secondary schools throughout the country delivering Sámi language programs. In general, across the globe girls outperform boys on measures of learn- ing such as international and national tests and measures of overall achievement, including grades and graduation rates. While boys outper- form girls on a few individual subjects, overall girls are doing better in terms of formal schooling. This holds true across the Circumpolar North. 9.2.6 Gender gap In 2012, males across Alaska graduated at a rate of 66.3% while fe- males had a much higher graduation rate of 73.1% (AK EED, 2013). The gaps between males and females differ considerably by race; the highest gap between males and females was for African American stu- dents, with almost 12.5% more females graduating. The next largest gap was among Alaska Native students, with almost 11% more Alaska Native females graduating than males. Alaska Native males had the lowest graduation rate – 47.7% – of any ethnic/gender group (Brian Laurent, personal communication, 3rd November 2013). In Nunavut, in the past decade women graduated high school at a higher rate than men in all but one year, though both had relatively low rates, between 42% and 50% for males and between 46% and 58% for females (Nu- navut Bureau of Statistics, 2012). In Russia, while information specific to the North is not available, da- ta from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 362 Arctic Human Development Report
exam shows nationwide a gap between female and male achievement, with girls outperforming boys to a greater extent than in other Organiza- tion for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Across almost all OECD countries, females are more likely than males to graduate from upper secondary education, including Norway, Denmark and Finland, though Finland has the lowest gap between males and fe- males in terms of dropout rates (OECD, 2011). 9.3 Human capital and knowledge in the Arctic The Arctic is often viewed as a treasure chest of natural resources. Alt- hough natural resources have a great importance, the true treasure of the Arctic is its people. Since pre-historic times Arctic residents have developed skills and knowledge that enable them to survive and thrive in harsh conditions. It has been observed that northerners have a good grasp of matters important for their livelihoods and possess unique and diversified knowledge on how to ensure their well-being (Megatrends, 2011). At the same time, the ability of Arctic societies to benefit from standardized codified knowledge and formal education has been rather limited. As a result, Arctic regions demonstrate substantial gaps in terms of development of local human capital. The first AHDR (2004) does not explicitly discuss human capital issues. However, it addresses conditions associated with schooling and their im- pact on Arctic communities (Johansson et al., 2004). The report concludes that the most critical concerns regard control, relevance, and access to education. It argues that education systems and learning practices need to adapt education services to fit local needs and conditions. The report ad- vocates a shift from viewing knowledge as a standardized commodity to seeing it as a distributed resource that has led to pressures for decentrali- zation of control and decision-making, local adaptations, and increased use of technology to access knowledge. The attainment of education (whether formal or not) is an investment in human capital. The outcome of this investment is knowledge production and transfer that ensures the livelihoods and prosperity of Arctic communities. This section extends the discussion of the relevance of formal and informal education and knowledge in human development in the Arctic. We provide an assess- ment of human capital and knowledge production in the Arctic as it per- tains to human development and well-being of Arctic societies. Arctic Human Development Report 363
Human capital can be defined as the stock of knowledge and skills embod- ied in a human population that has economic value. It most generally re- fers to formal and tacit knowledge and skills, which can be deployed to general economic returns. Human capital incorporates three components: general skills (literacy), specific skills (related to particulate technologies and operations), and technical and scientific knowledge (mastery of spe- cific bodies of knowledge at advanced levels). There is a broad agreement in the literature that human capital is closely related to both individual and aggregated labor outcomes: higher individual wages and enhanced employability on one hand and greater productivity and accelerated tech- nological progress on the other (De la Fuente and Ciccone, 2002). 9.3.1 The need for knowledge and human capital All three components of human capital are closely tied to schooling. The general skills (functional literacy) level is typically achieved at the primary education level. Specific skills are acquired during secondary education and advanced scientific and technical knowledge obtained through higher education. However, formal education is not a sole source of human capital. In fact, recent studies suggest that in the Arc- tic human capital is less related to formal levels of schooling than it is in the south (Petrov, 2008; Petrov and Cavin, 2013). This difference is very important and is attributable to the human capital associated with traditional skills and knowledge, not obtained through attending edu- cational institutions. In this chapter we discuss both human capital accumulated through formal schooling and human capital based on local and Indigenous knowledge (LIK). Certainly, measuring the latter is a more challenging task given the difficulty of quantifying the value and scope of LIK. It is worth noting that the lack of one (e.g., formal education) may be partially compensated, albeit indirectly, by another (LIK) in terms of human development. Human capital is a crucial factor of regional economic growth and de- velopment and a key attribute of a modern post-industrial economy. First, human capital is the most important ingredient in the “knowledge sector”, which includes technologically advanced industries and services (e.g. in- formation technology, high tech manufacturing, financial services, etc.) – the most intensively growing elements of modern economy that define the overall success and competitiveness of regional economic systems in a globalizing world. Second, knowledge underpins “old” industries including the whole array of primary (e.g., extractive industries, agriculture), sec- ondary (manufacturing) and tertiary (services) sectors. In fact, 50% of GDP in OECD countries is based on knowledge production and utilization 364 Arctic Human Development Report
(Megatrends, 2011). In other words, the modern economy is an economy heavily based on knowledge (Bell, 1973; Jacobs, 1984). Just as other regions of the world, the Arctic is touched by globalization and the emergence of the knowledge economy (see Chapter 10, Globaliza- tion). While ties between Arctic economies and resource and government sectors are persistent (see Chapter 4, Economic Systems), globalization has brought new opportunities and challenges that create a competitive edge for Arctic communities in the new knowledge-driven world economy. Northern regions can become “learning” regions (Morgan, 1997) that adopt and adapt innovations while developing their own body of economically relevant knowledge and skills based on local experiences and traditions. In this respect, a development strategy based on enabling local hu- man capacities to advance economic development is appealing. Howev- er, the Arctic faces formidable challenges to become such a region: “en- dogenous growth” is inhibited by limited local capacities (institutional, financial and infrastructural) and, most importantly, by the shortage of human capital (Petrov, 2011). Evidence from northern success stories suggests that human capital’s economic returns tend to be more con- nected to local economies. This connectedness is partially determined by the endogenous nature of the knowledge-based economy in general, but also by a tight relation of human capital with other forms of societal capital in the periphery (Aarsæther, 2004). In addition, communities can capitalize on Indigenous knowledge and tradition and facilitate institu- tion building and formation of civic society. The accumulation of human capital is necessary to maintain a stable and expanding economic base and ensure human well-being. Education is an integral part of human development as identified both by the UN and Arctic Social Indicators project (ASI, 2010). Both the first AHDR and ASI emphasize the role of education in ensuring economic well-being, fate control (empowerment), and cultural continuity, especially if standard schooling practices are intertwined with local and traditional contexts. ASI (2010) identified education as one of the six key domains of human development in the Arctic. 9.3.2 Human capital and human development Studies show that in the EU, for each additional year of schooling, an individual gains 6.5% in wages. The figure is even higher in North America (De la Fuente and Ciccone, 2002; Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004). Post-secondary education provides even more substantial gains: for ex- ample, the average private return to post-secondary education for Euro- Arctic Human Development Report 365
pean men is estimated at 12% (OECD, 2011). This is even higher for In- digenous residents: in Saskatchewan, Canada the lifetime earnings of an Indigenous male were found to increase by 38% if a university degree was completed, and for Indigenous women this increased by 59% (Howe, 2011). Higher education levels are also associated with greater labor force participation and lower unemployment. Schooling has a role in reducing poverty and providing means for economically disadvantaged groups to improve their standard of living (ASI, 2010). In Canada, studies show that completion of university education is the most financially rewarding in terms of improving earnings of Aboriginal Canadians, followed by the completion of non-university post-secondary education (Hossain and Lamb, 2012). In addition to benefitting an individual, investment in educa- tion also increases overall productivity by as much as 5% per additional year of schooling (De la Fuente and Ciccone, 2002) and competitiveness of national and regional economies. There are other positive outcomes of education that are felt both in households and society at large, such as the increased ability of educated women to manage their lives and financial situations through reproductive control (Oxaal, 1997). The link between education and empowerment is key. One aspect is the empowerment of the individual where a growing proportion of stu- dents are able to continue past primary through secondary school and further on to post-secondary institutions. The empowerment gains are especially significant for women. Individuals may be empowered to ful- fill important functions in the community and their education may pro- vide them with a reason for staying. On the other hand, educational at- tainment may also empower them to start looking for other opportuni- ties, including leaving the Arctic. In this context it is clear that empowerment is a multi-dimensional concept with often divergent consequences. ASI (2010) offered a new way to conceptualize empowerment – through the notion of fate control, i.e. ability of individuals and communities to define their own destiny. According to the ASI I report, education is an integral part of fate control. Stronger fate control may strengthen communities, making them able to resist the pressure from the outside, at least for a while. It may, however, be less responsive to the marked differences in both gender and genera- tional foci in relation to the development process, which may eventually result in unexpected and unwanted out-migration patterns, and thus the loss of the new human capital gained, for example, through the expan- sion of educational opportunities. Another possible consequence of for- mal education is the erosion of cultural identity and loss of contact with nature (ASI, 2014; Battiste, 2000). 366 Arctic Human Development Report
A common problem of non-metropolitan, peripheral regions is the “flight” of human capital (see Chapter 2, Arctic Populations and Migration). With an increased level of education the ability (and desire) of local resi- dents to find employment or new educational opportunities elsewhere grows as well. An increasing number of northerners, especially women, move away from the Arctic to receive or use their education. At the same time, many Arctic regions are attracting human capital from the south as skilled professionals take advantage of high earnings in certain Arctic sectors (mining, oil, etc.). Unfortunately, however, most of them stay in the Arctic only for a limited time, and, as surveys indicate, remain fairly de- tached from each other (Voswinkel, 2012). Departing educated Native northerners and returning migrants create a “brain drain” from the Arctic (Handland, 2004; Petrov and Vlasova, 2010). This brain drain in many regions also coincides with a “brain turnover” (intensive in- and out- migration of human capital) and “brain waves” (surges and dips of human capital associated with the boom-and-bust economic cycle (Heleniak, 2010)). As a result, the study of human capital mobility may illuminate the ways in which human capital can be retained in place and/or attracted (back) to the Arctic. With the growing access to education for Arctic resi- dents in their regions and elsewhere, the issue of retention becomes even more critical (Megatrends, 2011; Petrov, 2010). Arctic Design Show, Rovaniemi, Finland, 2014 Credit: Kamil Jagodzinski. Arctic Human Development Report 367
9.3.3 Educational attainment and attendance statistics in the Arctic The most typical indicators utilized to measure human capital deal with levels of educational attainment – the highest level of education that an individual has completed. More advanced education is an investment in someone’s human capital. A higher level of schooling is considered to indicate greater human capital. Although there are many levels of educa- tional attainment (from primary to tertiary), the most common indicator used deals either with high school, post-secondary or university educa- tion. ASI makes a strong argument for including this measure to assess human development: If we are to make a snapshot assessment of the contribution of education to the well-being of a community, it must include taking a look at the highest levels of educational attainment that people are pursuing; anything short of that would present an incomplete picture. The main problems with educational attainment as an indicator are the availability of data and difference in definitions of schooling levels. Rele- vant data are largely collected from censusses since in most jurisdictions individuals are the only source of such information. Consequently, the existing data only coincide with census years (every 5th or 10th year), and definitions used in subsequent censuses may not be the same. Dis- crepancy in defining educational attainment is also marked among Arc- tic countries, which use diverging models of higher education (see sec- tion 1). Direct comparisons are therefore difficult. Another relevant notion is educational attendance, i.e., enrollment in an educational institution. The advantage of this measure is that most educational establishments produce these data based on enrollments in each respective level of education. For that reason, ASI (2010) recom- mends using educational attendance and completion rates statistics in addition to educational attainment to measure the education domain of human development. The Report also suggests as an indicator the reten- tion rates of post-secondary education graduates who stay in northern communities 10 years after graduation. All these measures are related to human capital and important for estimating well-being in Arctic com- munities. Given high mobility of human capital, retention rates can be especially informative. Unfortunately, the data on retention are not available in most Arctic regions. 368 Arctic Human Development Report (Rasmussen et al., 2010: 82)
In this report we consider the key indicator: the proportion of resi- dents with post-secondary education, which includes all levels of educa- tion following secondary school. Post-secondary education corresponds to acquisition of advanced specific skills and technical and scientific knowledge. In other words, people who completed post-secondary educa- tion have the highest human capital (its formal schooling component). In the following section, we analyze regional differences and temporal dy- namics of post-secondary education in general as well as its components: university degree and tertiary education. Note that only formally obtained education is included in this analysis. 9.3.4 Growing access to post-secondary education in the Arctic and educational attendance In the recent decades, Arctic regions saw an increase in the number and capacity of post-secondary institutions. Colleges and universities exist in all major Arctic jurisdictions, although there are more in the Russian and Nordic sectors (Figures 9.1). Umeå University, the University of Alaska system, Luleå University, University of Oulu, University of Iceland, Arctic University of Norway, and Murmansk State Technical University are the leading Arctic institutions by enrollment. All of these universities are associated with larger cities, although some have branch campuses in rural areas. Remote regions are served to a much lesser degree. In most Arctic colleges and universities, female students constitute the majority of enrollment (see below for further discussion). Another continuing trend is the growing level of control over post-secondary education by Indigenous people (Stonechild, 2006). Higher education institutions serving indigenous populations exist in various jurisdictions, e.g., Sámi University College (Norway), Taimyr College (Russia), Nunavut Arctic College (Canada), and Ilisagvik College (Alaska). Arctic Human Development Report 369
Figure 9.1: Major Arctic colleges and universities: Enrollment The Russian North has the most extensive system of post-secondary education of all the Arctic nations. As of 2011, in the nine northern re- gions there were 136 institutions of higher education, including 25 flag- ship universities and 111 branch campuses. The overwhelming majority are state institutions. While these are impressive numbers compared to most other Arctic jurisdictions, the level of attendance is relatively mod- est. The number of students per 10,000 residents in all northern regions is below the national benchmark. Not surprisingly, the proportion of highly educated individuals (any form of post-secondary education) in the Russian North is generally lower than country’s average. At the same time the trend is positive, and in the last decade most northern territo- ries experienced gains in student attendance and educational attainment (Figure 9.2). Perhaps, the most spectacular increase has been observed in Yamal-Nenets region, although it still lacks a flagship university. 370 Arctic Human Development Report
Figure 9.2. Enrollment in post-secondary institutions in the Russian North In northern Fennoscandia, the university and college level offerings are quite substantial with many institutions, delivery sites and programs including distance education. There are both larger universities and smaller university colleges. Northern Norway has two universities and four university colleges. The tendency has been consolidation towards larger entities with university colleges merging with University of Trom- sø. Northern Sweden has two universities as does northern Finland. Finland also organizes Universities of Applied Sciences, including three in northern Finland. Iceland has seven nationally accredited higher education institutions. The state runs four and private entities run three (with some state sup- port). Of the seven, two are agricultural institutions, one is an art acade- my, and four are comprehensive universities. There are also numerous adult education learning opportunities in Iceland, including institutions that specifically target the 35% of the Icelandic workforce who did not complete upper secondary education. Continuing and adult education are offered across a broad array of institutions, from upper secondary institu- tions to higher education institutions to centers and colleges for continu- ing education to private company and association offerings. For those who want to pursue a higher education in Greenland there is one university and a College for Social Pedagogy. The University of Greenland, Ilisimatusarfik, is located in Nuuk, the capital, and College for Social Pedagogy is located in Ilulissat. The Government of Greenland runs these institutions. The language of instruction is Greenlandic, Dan- ish or English, depending on the instructor and curricula. The university Arctic Human Development Report 371
and college together had about 665 active students in the year 2012. In this same year, 406 Greenlandic students attended colleges and univer- sities in Denmark, and 17 in other countries. University of Akureyri, Iceland. Year 2014. This northern university has been growing significantly in size both in terms of student population and physical capacity over the past 10 years Photo credit: Daníel Starrason. The University of the Faroe Islands, the only university in the Faroe Is- lands, is a small, state-run institution, consisting of two faculties in “Hu- manities, Social Sciences and Education” and “Natural and Health Sci- ences.” Located in Tórshavn, the capital, it enrolls about 800 students. The language of instruction is Faroese. Vocational education is also available through a vocational college. Otherwise, many students attend college in Denmark or other countries. In North America, the contrast is considerable between Alaska and the Canadian Arctic. Canada is the only circumpolar country to lack a universi- ty north of the 60th parallel. Canada’s principle adult and post-secondary institutions in Nunavut, Yukon, and Northwest Territories remain com- munity colleges. The territorial college system began in the 1960s as voca- tional and adult education centers located in a handful of communities. Since then it has grown to include regional campuses and community learning centers. In Nunavut and Northwest Territories the majority of students are Indigenous, whereas in Yukon, Indigenous students comprise about one-third of the post-secondary students. Significant progress in 372 Arctic Human Development Report
delivery of post-secondary education in northern Canada has been made in a relatively short period of time. Yet access to education remains an on- going challenge, especially as it relates to geographical access. Still, change is imminent; on 30th June 2011, Canada’s three territorial governments announced that they had signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to further explore university models. The MOU establishes a tri-territorial committee, which will develop options on how the three territories can advance university development in Canada’s North. Access to post-secondary education in Alaska is fairly widespread. The largest provider of post-secondary education is the state-funded University of Alaska (UA) system. The UA system has three main cam- puses in Fairbanks (UAF), Anchorage (UAA) and Juneau (Southeast, or UAS), and 11 community campuses, in hub communities ranging from Kotzebue to Dillingham to Valdez. Alaska is also host to a few small, pri- vate post-secondary institutions. For instance, Alaska Pacific University, a small, private, liberal arts institution, has operated in Anchorage since 1960. There are also several career and technical training institutes. The state’s only tribal college, Ilisagvik College, is based in Barrow. A part of the North Slope Borough, Ilisagvik offers two-year degrees and voca- tional and technical certificates. In addition to national systems of post-secondary education, the Uni- versity of the Arctic (UArctic) has built an international and inter- institutional higher education framework. UArctic is a key player in promoting, standardizing and facilitating educational exchange in the Arctic. It is also an umbrella for innovative teaching, distance learning and collaborative research (see Textbox 9.2). Textbox 9.2 The University of the Arctic (UArctic) was founded in 2001 and is a cooperative network of universities, colleges, and other organizations committed to higher education in the North. In 2013 UArctic membership totals 157 higher education institutions and research centers, Indigenous peoples organizations, and others as well as associate members from outside the Arctic region. Higher education spotlights The overall goal is to create a strong, sustainable circumpolar region by em- powering peoples of the north in general, and Indigenous peoples in particular. This is done through organizing members’ collaboration and synergy within thematic based multilevel networking of several kinds in education and re- search; and through training; sharing of experiences, expertise and facilities; and organizing mobility programs for students and faculty. UArctic aims, through its members’ collaboration and networking, to generate knowledge and improve access to relevant post-secondary education. UArctic respects the Indigenous Arctic Human Development Report 373
peoples’ integral role in northern education by engaging Indigenous organiza- tions and institutions in UArctic’s governance system, and seeks to engage In- digenous organizations and institutions, in a reciprocal manner, in different activities and in developing understanding of traditional knowledge as one among different learning systems. UArctic also aims at reaching out with experi- ence distribution and learning options in cooperation with and for the peoples and the communities of the North through programs, conferences, publications and other outreach activities. UArctic works in close partnership with the Arctic Council, the Arctic Parlia- mentarians, regional scientific organizations, national authorities and Indige- nous peoples’ organizations. The ultimate goal is to contribute to a sustainable North in an interdependent world by reflecting the diversity of peoples and cultures and knowledge systems of the Arctic. State Polar Academy is an institution of higher education located in St. Pe- tersburg and designated as Russia’s “university for peoples of traditional cul- tures.” The Academy was established in 1991 and has since graduated over 2,000 students. The student body includes representatives of 57 Indigenous groups from Russia and abroad, mostly from the Arctic. The academy awards bachelor, master and PhD degrees. Many students return to home regions where they pursue careers in administration, business and other sectors (State Polar Academy, n.d.). Textbox 9.1 continued 9.3.5 Post-secondary education in the Arctic: patterns and trends The Circumpolar North has different historical legacies of post- secondary education, leading to regional differences in levels of post secondary educational achievement. Russia and the Nordic countries have a relatively high proportion of the population with post-secondary education, while parts of northern Canada and Alaska show a relatively low level. While post-secondary education has been emphasized as an important tool in both regional and minority development in Russia and in the Nordic countries, a similar trend has been missing or been entered into quite recently in substantial parts of the North American continent. Regional differences in the percentage of people in the North with post- secondary education are illustrated in Figure 9.3. Regional differences 374 Arctic Human Development Report
Figure 9.3a: Proportion of people with post-secondary education Arctic Human Development Report 375
Figure 9.3b: Proportion of people with tertiary education The differences in post secondary education policies make it difficult to compare jurisdictions. However, we can see patterns emerge that super- sede national boundaries and historical legacies. Witness the high level of education in major resource regions, such as Yamal-Nenets district in Russia, and in more diversified regional economies, such as Yukon in Canada. Such high levels are also seen in the more urbanized parts of the Arctic, including Murmansk region of Russia, northern Scandinavia, and Iceland. Studies indicate that the bulk of human capital there are “new- comers” or non-Indigenous residents (although there are some excep- 376 Arctic Human Development Report
tions) mostly working in resource sectors and public administration (Megatrends, 2011; Voswinkel, 2012). Human capital is also heavily concentrated in urban settlements, e.g. Tromsø in northern Norway, Rovaniemi in Finland, Murmansk, Salekhard, Magadan, and Noril’sk in northern Russia, Whitehorse and Yellowknife in Canada and Anchorage, Fairbanks and Juneau in Alaska. To provide a more revealing picture of post-secondary education at- tainment in the Arctic and avoid definitional and historical discrepancies among Arctic regions, we can analyze the location quotient (LQ) of peo- ple with a university degree, sometimes referred to as the Talent Index (TI) (Florida, 2002). Since LQ measures relative proportion of educated people in the total population, it allows comparing regional figures in the Arctic with a baseline, which in this case is represented by a respective country, illustrating human capital accumulation relative to country’s average. Northern regions of Canada, especially Yukon, have high con- centration of educated professionals (in fact, in 2006 Yukon had the largest share of adult population with post-secondary accreditation among Canadian provinces and territories – 53.6% (YBS, 2008). For example, Anadyr (the capital of Chukotka) has a LQ 1.72, compared to Moscow with an LQ of 1.79. More urbanized and resource-rich Yamal- Nenets and Murmansk regions have higher proportion of residents with post-secondary education compared to the rest of Russia, so do several Alaskan boroughs and Nuuk in Greenland. In fact, many Arctic cities demonstrate relatively high LQ of people with a university education. Very high LQs are also observed in other re- gional (and national) capitals both in Russia and across the Arctic, includ- ing Salekhard, Yakutsk, Umeå, Magadan, Juneau, Yellowknife, Tromsø, Reykjavik and Nuuk. Another large cluster of highly educated labor force is observed in the Yamal-Nenets region of Russia. In addition to its capital, Salekhard, Novy Urengoy and Nadym have LQs above 1.4. This may reflect the influx of educated labor migrants in the last decade as LQs in these cities grew substantially between 2002 and 2010. At the same time, the majority of Arctic territories lag behind their southern metropoles in formal education levels. This gap is especially evident in areas with relatively high Indigenous populations, such as Nunavut, rural Alaska, and the Nenets, Koryak and Taimyr regions of Russia. Small remote urban communities, such as Iqaluit, Dudinka, Tura, and Susuman, also have low levels of educational attainment. Slightly higher, but still a relatively low Talent Index is observed in the “old” industrial cities of the Russian North: (e.g. Noril’sk, Apatity, Olenegorsk, Monchegorsk, and Vorkuta). Arctic Human Development Report 377
Tertiary education (beyond first post-secondary degree) is skewed by the differences in educational systems. North American jurisdictions to have high levels of tertiary education (post-baccalaureate), while the Scandinavian and Russian North demonstrate a lower prevalence of tertiary degrees because post-secondary education frequently ends with a masters-equivalent degree. Important differences are found within countries: for instance, the gap between Yukon, NWT and Nunavut, Nu- navik and Labrador in Canada, or between affluent regions of western Siberia and the rest of the Russian North (Figure 9.3b). This analysis demonstrates two gaps in Arctic post-secondary education: the gap between the Arctic and southern regions and the gap between ur- ban/industrial Arctic territories and the rest of the Arctic. Generally, the pattern of less formal post-secondary education in the North is prevalent. Whereas human capital in the Arctic is typically viewed as underde- veloped, such a view fails to reflect the variability and diversity of Arctic regions. Recent research points to substantial levels of creativity based on non-codified informal knowledge, which might not conform the con- ventional notion of human capital (Aarsæther, 2004; Copus and Skuras, 2006; Petrov 2007; Petrov, 2008; Petrov and Cavin, 2013). Creative hu- man capital is critical for economic development and socio-economic transformation in the Arctic, as it often becomes the engine of economic reinvention and revitalization of a region (see Textbox 4.6 in Chapter 4, Economic Systems). Salekhard Pedagogical College, Russian Federation Credit: Harald Finkler. 378 Arctic Human Development Report
Access to post-secondary education is a key component in harnessing hu- man capital. The first AHDR concluded that educational opportunities for Arctic residents are improving. Today, there are more educated people in the Arctic than a decade ago, and options for post-secondary training in the regions have increased. Almost every jurisdiction has a university or a col- lege. However, regional differences within the Arctic persist: post- secondary educational opportunities are still more extensive in northern Europe and Russia than in the far north of Canada and the United States. There is a relatively lower proportion of people with post-secondary educa- tion in the Canadian Territories and Alaska. In addition, the ability of Indig- enous people to access institutions of higher learning, while improving, is still problematic (Stonechild, 2006; Preston, 2008; Megatrends, 2011) While opportunities are improving, many Arctic residents are still com- pelled to pursue education elsewhere, and their return to the home region after completing their education is far from guaranteed (Textbox 9.3). Textbox 9.3 Changes in post secondary education accessibility and attainment Human capital dynamics and turnover: successes and challenges in the Russian Arctic Migration plays a key role in regulating human capital accumulation in urban communities. Faced with the collapse of the Soviet economy and/or bust-and- boom cycles of the resource sector many educated residents leave the Arctic (Petrov, 2006; Petrov, 2010). At the same time industrialization and attractive labor compensation brings an influx of human capital to the North during favora- ble times. Both processes create considerable volatility and turnover in human capital in the region. The most effective mitigation strategy for this problem is education and retention of local youth. In the recent years many northern cities increased their own educational capacities. Yukon Territory heavily invested in Yukon College, Greenland developed its own university, and some Russian cities increased the number of institutions of higher education. In fact, the number of students pursuing higher education in Russia’s Territories of the Extreme North and Equated Areas more than doubled between 1999 and 2009 (Rosstat, 2012). Nonetheless, out-migration of college students is one of the primary problems for many northern regions. In a pilot survey conducted by the University of Northern Iowa and State Polar Academy in St. Petersburg, Russia (Van Drasek, 2012), most student-northerners (90% Indigenous people) who left the Arctic in order to receive education in St. Petersburg indicated that there were few or no opportunities for higher education in their respective home regions. Prospects for professional success were also generally considered lower at home and stu- dents felt compelled to pursue opportunities elsewhere. At the same time when Arctic Human Development Report 379
asked about plans to return to their home regions, the vast majority of partici- pants replied that jobs and career prospects were the most important factors. Many students also indicated that they may not return to the same town, village, or community, but would be interested in relocating to a larger city within their home region. Many, but not most, also indicated that they would have stayed to pursue their studies and careers in the Arctic if the similar professional and educational and educational opportunities existed in their home region. When asked what could be done to improve opportunities for young people to pursue creative careers in their home regions most students suggested an increase in government spending on institutions of higher education, related infrastructure, and university instructors. Investment in skilled trades and jobs in Northern regions was also cited as a possibility to train and employ local residents rather than lose them to other regions. These results are indicative of two things. One is that Russian northern cities are not well positioned to educate and retain human capital. Another is that young northerners are willing to consider being educated and living in their home regions, if educational and job opportunities are good. Investment in education in Arctic cities in Russia and in other Arctic counties is an important priority that can assist in sustaining a long-term economic viability of Arctic cities. Textbox 9.3 continued Gains in post-secondary education in the last decade have been ob- served in many Arctic regions. For example, in 1999, in NWT 46.5% of the population over the age of 15 had a certificate, diploma or degree beyond high school. This increased to 47.6% in 2009 (NWTBS, 2009). However, in the same period, the percent of population with a university degree jumped from 14.0% to 19.3%. Likewise, in 2009 there were 3.3 times more Aboriginal people with university education than in 1999 (NWTBS, 2009). Whereas Indigenous residents still had a dramatic uni- versity education gap compared to non-Indigenous residents (4.9% vs. 32.3%), the gap has been slowly closing. In addition, higher education institutions still struggle to retain and graduate Indigenous students. For example, in 2010–2011, the retention rate for Indigenous students at the University of Alaska was 59% compared with 75% for all students, and the 6-year graduation rate was 12% compared with 28% overall. Special programs, such as the Post-Secondary Student Support Program in Can- ada, have been established in many Arctic countries to provide direct support to Indigenous students to complete post-secondary degrees (Usher, 2006). For example the U.S. government launched the Initiative 380 Arctic Human Development Report
on American Indian and Alaska Native Education that seeks to expand post-secondary education opportunities and improving education out- comes for all American Indian and Alaska Native students (WH, 2011). Figure 9.4a: Gender distribution of Arctic residents with post-secondary education Marked changes in gender patterns of education took place during the last 10–15 years. Figure 9.4 illustrates how women dominate the realm of education in most of the Arctic. In the 1990s, women had become the 9.3.6 Gender: feminization of human capital Arctic Human Development Report 381
majority group in relation to higher education in several countries, and by the late 1990s, this occurred throughout most regions in the Arctic. Everywhere in the Arctic, with the exception of the Faroe Islands, there are more women with tertiary education than there are men. Northern Scandinavia, Russia and Alaska are three areas with the most feminized human capital. Some resource regions in Canada and Russia, as well as Greenland, Iceland and Faroe Islands show a dominance of males in rela- tion to post-secondary education, a situation attributable to both wom- en’s departure to pursue educational opportunities and an influx of edu- cated male labor force attracted by the resource sector. Figure 9.4b: Gender distribution of Arctic residents with tertiary education 382 Arctic Human Development Report
Many young women tend to leave the region to pursue their educa- tional goals. This situation is prevalent in the Faroe Islands where more than 60% of students, especially women, leave home to study, predominantly in Denmark (Megatrends, 2011). There they pursue careers where they are able to take advantage of their acquired skills. This has also been the pattern in Greenland, due to the limited level of social acceptance traditionally afforded to highly qualified women. However, in recent years, women have assumed an increasing number of positions requiring higher education. The feminization of human capital is a rather new phenomenon. In Greenland, males dominated the educational system until around 1990, with 5–10% more boys than girls finishing a secondary or post- secondary diploma or degree. However, during the 1990s and the 2000s, between 10 and 20% more girls than boys finished an education, and since 2003 more than 60% of the persons finishing an education have been girls (Rasmussen et al., 2010). Differences are also clearly seen in educational choices. Among the boys registered as active students, al- most 70% are in vocational training and 30% in short and long term academic programs. Among the girls, however, there is an almost equal division between vocational and academic training (53% and 47% re- spectively (Megatrends, 2011)). Alaska is another region where feminization of human capital over the last decade has led to an increase in women with post-secondary education (52.3% as compared to 47.7% among men). Alaskan women are also more educated: 29.8% of female Alaskans have post-secondary education as opposed to 25.2% of males. At the same time, men lead among adult residents with post-baccalaureate degrees (especially in professional and doctorate degrees, where the male to female ratio is 1.5:1) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Data from NWT show that while there are still more men with post- secondary education, women experienced steady gains in the last 10 years and by 2009 constituted 46% of post-secondary educated popu- lation over the age of 15 (NWTBS, 2009). Women are traditionally bet- ter represented in certain fields of study (e.g. healthcare, education and training, humanities) and less represented in others (engineering, applied sciences). However, in recent decades women gained consid- erable ground in some male-dominated fields such as engineering, applied sciences, mathematics, computer and physical sciences. In the Russian Arctic, women dominate among residents with higher (post- secondary) education. The gap between men and women is fairly sub- stantial: for example, 24.5% of adult female residents of Murmansk Arctic Human Development Report 383
oblast’ have completed a post-secondary degree, compared to 20.8% of male residents. In Yamal-Nenets okrug, a region with quite different population structure and settlement history, the gender gap is even more pronounced: 31.1% of women attain post-secondary education and 22.8% of men. However, in rural areas the gap is less significant or men comprise a larger percent of university graduates than women (e.g. in Murmansk oblast). The Yamal-Nenets data also indicate that in the last decade the gender gap in favor of women was widening, par- ticularly in urban areas (Rosstat, 2013). 9.3.7 Indigenous vs. non-Indigenous human capital: closing the education gap The levels of engagement in post-secondary education among Indige- nous and non-Indigenous people clearly illustrate an “education gap”. Closing this gap is not only beneficial for Indigenous individuals in terms of lifetime earnings (Howe, 2011; Hull, 2005), but will likely inject mil- lions in the economy (Sharpe et al., 2007). It is dramatic in some regions, and less evident (but still present) in others. NWT is the case in point as a region with a drastic education differential: only 4.9% of NWT Aborig- inal residents held university degrees in 2009 compared to 32.3% of non-Aboriginal persons (NWTBS, 2009). Although Indigenous people in NWT made formidable gains in the last decades (only 1.8% had universi- ty degrees in 1999), the gap is still wide (NWTBS, 2009). In Russia, the discrepancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous population can be approximated using statistics for urban (predomi- nantly non-Indigenous) and rural (heavily Indigenous) areas. The gap in percent of formally educated individuals with a post-secondary degree varies from region to region between 5 and 20%. For example, only 14.3% of rural residents in Yamal-Nenets okrug have attained the post- secondary level compared to 29.2% of urban dwellers. Similarly, in Chu- kotka higher education is reported by 7.6% of adults living in rural areas in contrast to 28.4% of adults living in urban settings. Only 5.9% of rural men in Chukotka (mostly Indigenous people) have a post-secondary degree, reflecting both the deep urban-rural and Indigenous – non- Indigenous education gaps (Rosstat, 2012). The differences in education attainment likely arise from a variety of factors including differences in entrance requirements, varying levels of individual academic and social integration, conflict between educational activities and needs of traditional economy and the interplay between the institution and the surrounding community (Barnhardt and Ka- 384 Arctic Human Development Report
wagley, 2004; Darnell and Hoëm, 1996; Keskitalo, 1998; Rasmussen et al., 2010). Mainstream (western) education systems are not always ad- justed to consider local context, community needs and aspirations of young Indigenous people. As noted above, pursuit of post-secondary education often requires a departure from northern communities, relo- cation within their region or to outside southern cities. Many students felt that detachment from families and native land were difficult trade- offs of their decision (Van Drasek, 2012). A major concern is a drop-out rate from both school and higher education institutions (Gilmore, 2010; Berger, 2006; see Part 1 of this chapter). Difficulties in the secondary education system faced by Indigenous students and low graduation rates shrink the number of northerners who pursue post-secondary, including trade certificates, college diplo- mas or university degrees. The problem is exacerbated because skills acquired by northerners in high school (including literacy/proficiency in English or other language used in the post-secondary system) are not always at a level acceptable to many post secondary institutions. North- erners (both Indigenous and non-Indigenous) may also be disadvan- taged by the lack of appropriate courses and resources in their local schools, and by the shortage of qualified teachers. Finally, a pursuit of post-secondary, especially university education, most often requires leaving home community or even relocate outside the Arctic. Literature on Indigenous education strongly argues that a more effec- tive education system in the Arctic must be based on systemic integra- tion of a western science, knowledge and traditional (local and Indige- nous) knowledge (Barnhardt, 2005; Berger, 2006). The integrated cur- riculum aims to connect both cultural and instrumental needs and aspirations, and provide balanced training to develop skills and personal values commensurable with local culture (Rasmussen et al., 2010). The emphasis on practical skills may also curtail dropout rates, decrease absenteeism and enhance student performance by making studies more relevant and culturally valuable. These principles, for example, are em- bedded by the new Nunavut high school curriculum developed in coop- eration between educators and Inuit elders (CBC News, 2012). 9.3.8 Human capital and local and Indigenous knowledge (LIK) Northern communities have informal, highly adaptive traditional knowledge systems that have ensured the survival of many generations in harsh environment conditions (Cruikshank, 2005). These systems, Arctic Human Development Report 385
known here as Local Indigenous Knowledge (LIK) systems, include tech- nologies, “know-how” skills, practices and beliefs that have been trans- ferred between generations in Arctic societies. LIK is a set of experiences generated by Indigenous people developed in order to adapt to local environments. It is embedded in community practices, institutions, and rituals (Berkes, 1993; UNESCO, 2013). The limited role of LIK in formal education, and the lack of recogni- tion afforded to LIK as a component of human capital capacity of Arctic regions continues to curtail competitiveness and well-being of northern communities and societies. The ASI recognized the need to shift this practice, and more fully incorporate LIK into Arctic educational and eco- nomic systems as a way of ensuring prosperity, improving material well- being, and advancing human development (ASI, 2010). Integrating LIK requires reversing a historic trend. Throughout the Arctic, western educational systems have historically marginalized and rejected LIK. Modernization, acculturation and assimilation went hand in hand with the erosion of LIK. Indigenous languages, one key compo- nent of LIK, have been under siege by education systems that use and impose the “colonial” language. Language retention, which is a key issue in ensuring empowerment and cultural vitality of Indigenous people, is also critical for maintaining the breadth of LIK (see Chapter 3, Cultures and Identities). The loss of LIK system, its replacement by the imported knowledge while may provide some new opportunities for local resi- dents, also results in the deterioration of traditional economies and so- cial institutions, brings about negative consequences that can negate benefits of modernization. Arctic societies have a unique combination of human, social and civic capital that provides opportunities for enhancing material well-being while simultaneously ensuring cultural vitality and sustaining tradition- al livelihoods. Recent studies revealed that human capital accumulation and creativity of the Arctic labor force is not always associated with the western educational paradigm (e.g., Petrov, 2008). This is especially true for cultural capital (see Textbox 4.6 in Chapter 4, Economic Systems), a form of human capital based on economic engagement of cultural activi- ties and practices. Cultural capital in northern communities is not corre- lated with levels of post-secondary education, but rather is strongly as- sociated with the vibrancy of Indigenous culture and LIK (Petrov and Cavin, 2013). Another strong economic endowment, associated with LIK and social and civic capital, is social economy. Indigenous societies have a long- lived tradition of cooperation, sharing and community-building to sus- 386 Arctic Human Development Report
tain their prosperity. This knowledge finds its use in the growing social economy of the Arctic. For example, northern cooperatives in Canada are a major economic actor and an example of successful integration of western knowledge of business and technology and LIK (SERNNoCa, 2012). The Arctic Co-operatives Limited in Canada is a federation of 31 co-ops in NWT and Nunavut owned and controlled by 22,500 members. In 2011 co-ops reported CAD 197 million in total revenues and em- ployed 800 workers (ACL, 2012). Textbox 9.4 Across Norway, Sweden and Finland, numerous academic and vocational post- secondary programs are based in the Sámi culture. The universities in Tromsø (Norway), Umeå, (Sweden) and Oulu (Finland) are regarded as national hubs for Sámi education and research and all have specially organized Sámi study and research centers. Additionally in Finland both the University of Helsinki and University of Lapland offer Sámi language programs and Sámi-related programs as well as organized Sámi research. The Giellagas Institute for Sámi studies, located at the University of Oulu as an independent organization, has a nation- wide responsibility to organize, introduce and provide Sami language and cul- tural studies and research at the academic level. One adult training center in Finland, the Sámi Institute in Inari, offers a range of programs for the Sámi area including Sámi language and reindeer herding programs and organizes universi- ty level courses together with universities. Local and Indigenous knowledge, culture and post-secondary education The Sámi University College in Norway is a college specializing in Sámi higher education, running programs and administration in northern Sámi language. It runs several types of Sámi teacher training including virtual delivery of programs. The college offers up to master’s degree in traditional Sámi craft (duodji), language and Sámi/Indigenous journalism. The college also offers programs including tradi- tional knowledge, such as a reindeer husbandry bachelors program. In Canada, a unique initiative for teaching and learning traditional knowledge is located in Clyde River, Nunavut. Part of Nunavut Arctic College, Piqqusilirivvik is a cultural learning center dedicated to enabling the transfer of traditional Inuit culture, knowledge, lifestyle, skills, and values, taught in the Inuit language and based on Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit guiding principles. Students 18 and over who can speak the Inuit language come from all over Nunavut to attend Piqqusilirivvik programs. The center houses students for four-month programs (two per year) and programming is based on the season cycle of the year and traditional Inuit activities. Programs involve a mix of land-based activities, classroom courses, and hands-on learning. Students also learn and use digital technology like cameras, GPS, and computer video editing programs to document their learning and share traditional knowledge. Piqqusilirivvik had its grand opening in May 2011. It has two satellite programs, in Baker Lake and Igloolik, Nunavut. Arctic Human Development Report 387
Textbox 9.4 continued The University of Alaska recently established a PhD program in Indigenous Studies with emphases in areas of research, education, Native languages, leader- ship, Indigenous knowledge systems and Indigenous sustainability. This new PhD is designed to integrate the tools and approaches of the natural and social sciences in a cross-cultural and interdisciplinary framework for analysis to bet- ter understand the emerging dynamic between Indigenous knowledge systems, western science and higher education. Emphasis is placed on the interface be- tween Indigenous knowledge and science on an international scale, with oppor- tunities for collaboration among Indigenous peoples from throughout the Cir- cumpolar region. 9.4 Summary and trends In the ten years since the first AHDR, significant changes have occurred in northern education. Post-secondary education attainment is increas- ing in many Arctic regions. New technologies are providing increased opportunities for distance education at all levels. There is growing recognition of the importance of local and Indigenous knowledge (LIK) at both the K-12 and post-secondary education levels. Indeed, the latest shifts in education systems described in this chapter indicate a move- ment towards integrating different knowledge systems (Barnhardt, 2005; Rasmussen et al., 2010) in order to maximize human development in the Arctic (Textbox 9.4). As western and LIK educational systems are increasingly intertwined, they serve individuals and communities in enhancing material and cultural well-being of northern populations. LIK not only enhances the opportunities for increased prosperity for Arctic communities, it gives these communities a competitive, yet untapped, edge in a globalized economy. Education and human capital development is key to economic well- being, fate control and human development in general. And yet, numer- ous tensions obstruct the provision of both academic and career and technical education. For example, there is a tension between providing education that is local, place-based, and based on LIK, and schooling to prepare students to be globally competitive. Incorporation of local and Indigenous knowledge into educational and economic systems of the Arctic is a cornerstone of Arctic prosperity in the future. But the limited role of LIK in formal education and lack of LIK’s utilization to enhance 388 Arctic Human Development Report
human capital capacity of Arctic regions curtails the competitiveness and well-being of northern communities and societies. Creating an edu- cation system based on LIK and one aimed at producing students pre- pared for the global economy are not inherently conflicting goals, and in some places (e.g., North Slope Borough School District in Alaska) these are seen as complementary goals. Still, many educators and policymak- ers see these as incompatible. Another tension is around where schooling is provided. While mandat- ing that students attend boarding schools is controversial, due in part to past abuses and the loss of culture resulting from these institutions, in some places residential schools are seen as preferred or only options. Providing access to a broad curriculum and resources is difficult in small and remote schools. Moreover, maintaining local schools in many remote northern communities is difficult due both to population outmigration and fiscal constraints. Yet another tension exists around the use of Indigenous languages in education: There is both an increasing use of Indigenous languages in formal schooling and a continuing threat to Indigenous languages. There is a strong push in many northern school systems to offer education in the languages of the Indigenous people from those regions, particularly in Canada and across Norway, Finland and Sweden. At the same time, Indigenous languages continue to face threats across northern Russia and Siberia and in much of Alaska. Gaps persist in education outcomes across northern regions, including between the Arctic and southern regions, urban/industrial arctic territo- ries and the rest of the Arctic, and between Indigenous and non- Indigenous population in the Arctic. In addition, there is a growing gender gap in education and feminization of human capital: Women dominate the realm of education in most of the Arctic, especially in rural and remote communities. Across the Arctic girls outperform boys on standardized measures of achievement and graduate from high school at higher rates. Moreover, already in the 1990s women had become the majority group in relation to higher education in several countries, and by the late 1990s virtually all regions in the Arctic had moved into this situation. High dropout rates continue to be a major concern in the Arctic both from secondary schools and higher education institutions, especially among Indigenous students. Likewise, the high mobility of human capital in the Arctic is a considerable challenge; there is for much of the North a lot of population loss, and a prevalence of “brain drain”, “brain turnover” (intensive in- and out-migration of human capital) and “brain waves” Arctic Human Development Report 389
(surges and dips of human capital associated with the boom-and-bust economic cycles). Arctic communities will not progress without an education system that adequately prepares students to address all of the challenges raised in this report, from climate change to health threats to economic devel- opment needs. Our hope is that the trends toward increasing graduation rates, integrating LIK into education systems and growing opportunities for women are joined by better outcomes for male students, improved access to education for rural and remote students and a system that prepares students to be successful within local and global communities. 9.5 References Aarsæther, N. (ed.) (2004). Innovations in the Nordic Periphery. Nordregio, Stockholm. AHDR (2004). Arctic Human Development Report. Einarsson, N., J. N. Larsen, A. Nils- son and O. R. Young (eds.). Stefansson Arctic Institute, Akureyri. Alaska Department of Education and Early Development (AK EED) (2013). State Report Card 2012–2013. Juneau. http://education.alaska.gov/reportcard/2012- 2013/reportcard2012-13.pdf (1st September 2014). Alsop, J. (2010). History of Cape Dorset and the West Baffin Cooperative. Working Paper. University of Victoria, Victoria. ASI (2014). Arctic Social Indicators II: Implementation. Larsen, J.N., P. Schweitzer, and A. Petrov (eds.). TemaNord. Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen. ASI (2010). Arctic Social Indicators – a follow-up to the Arctic Human Development Report. Larsen, J.N., P. Schweitzer, and G. Fondahl (eds.). TemaNord. Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen. Aylward, M. L. (2012). The Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit conversation: The language and culture of schooling in the Nunavut Territory of Canada. In: Bekerman, Z. and T. Geisen (eds.). International Handbook of Migration, Minorities and Education: Un- derstanding Cultural and Social Differences in Processes of Learning, pp. 213–229. Springer, Netherlands. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1466-3_15 Aylward, M. L. (2010). The role of Inuit languages in Nunavut schooling: Nunavut teachers talk about bilingual education. Canadian Journal of Education, 33(2):295– 328. Aylward, M. L. (2009). Journey to Inuuqatigiit: curriculum development for Nunavut education. Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education, 3(3): pp. 137–158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15595690902991022 Barnhardt, R and A.O. Kawagley (2004). Culture, chaos and complexity: catalysts for change in Indigenous education. Cultural Survival Quarterly, 27: 59–64. Barnhardt, R., 2005. Creating a Place for Indigenous Knowledge in Education: The Alaska Native Knowledge Network. http://www.ankn.uaf.edu/Curriculum/Articles/ RayBarnhardt/PBE_ANKN_Chapter.html (1st September 2014). Battiste, M. (2000). Maintaining Aboriginal identity, language, and culture in modern society. In: Battiste, M. (ed.). Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision, pp. 192␣208. UBC Press, Vancouver. Bell, D. (1973). The Coming of Post-Industrial Society. Basic Books, New York. 390 Arctic Human Development Report
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10. Globalization E. Carina H. Keskitalo, Umeå University, Sweden and Chris Southcott, Lakehead University, Canada Lead authors Rasmus Ole Rasmussen (Nordregio, Sweden), Aina Tollefsen (Umeå Uni- versity, Sweden), Susan Crate (George Mason University, USA) Contributing authors 10.1 Introduction Arctic or far-northern areas are increasingly connected into a globalizing international system (Aarsæther and Bærenholdt, 2001; Keskitalo, 2008; Keskitalo, 2004; and Heininen and Southcott, 2010; Southcott, 2005). Impacts of globalization vary across a range of factors: in some cases globalization represents an intensification of processes with which Arc- tic communities have a long history of involvement, while in others, globalization brings new benefits and new challenges (Vaughan, 2007; and McGhee, 2004). This chapter discusses the impact of globalization on human devel- opment in the Arctic, and describes the changes in systems due to glob- alization. In comparison with other chapters in this volume that focus more on specific aspects of human development, this chapter considers how human development across these various arenas may be changing as a result of globalization. The chapter describes how the influence of globalization in the Arctic region may be similar to or different from globalization processes in other parts of the world and how impacts vary among different northern regions. Relationships between globalization and specific factors such as age, gender, and identity are also described.
10.2 Globalization as a concept and its potential impacts on the Arctic This chapter describes three main types of globalization – economic, political, and cultural/social, and their relevance to human development in the North.iv The term globalization is defined here as the process of increasing economic, political and socio-cultural connections. However, while there is general agreement that globalization compresses time and space and increases global interaction, there is a lack of consensus about its essential components, and even more disagreement about the im- pacts on nations and communities (Ritzer, 2003). Although networks and linkages have always connected the Arctic to the rest of the world, modern globalization means more connectivity through information and communication systems (including internet technologies), and expanded global trade networks. To a large extent, the Arctic is influenced by globalization in the same ways as other regions around the globe. However, given a relatively sparse population, some effects of globalization such as economic pressures towards increasingly large-scale organization may be felt particularly keenly in the region. The impacts of globalization vary highly across the region, depend- ing amongst other things on its large internal variation. The fact that we today talk about “the Arctic” as a region is itself a result of political globalization where eight separate states across a large proportion of the world’s area have been able to be grouped together. Variations in impact of globalization are not surprising given that the region itself has differing patterns of historical development between the “Old World” of Europe, where processes originated much earlier in time and under less developed state power, and the “New World” of North America, where processes are of more recent origin and have resulted in large social change over a shorter period, with large impacts on local areas. Thus, while Indigenous communities in northern Canada, Alaska, Greenland and Russia have in some cases only been exposed to large- scale external change for a few generations, the impacts of globaliza- tion have been more gradual and protracted in other areas such as the Fennoscandian North. Here, groups have interacted over historically longer times and comparatively smaller distances which are relatively well connected through physical infrastructure (roads and rails, for example) (Keskitalo, 2004). The impacts of globalization also differ around the Arctic region due to the large variation internally in any given area. A group or individual may well oppose certain aspects of globalizing tendencies while embrac- 398 Arctic Human Development Report

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